Although the British Prime Minister will be asked to leave the room when his colleagues in the European Council discuss the UK’s departure, he would remain a full member and formally be involved in Council deliberations on all other agenda items at EU summit meetings. But how will Mr. Tusk, the president of the Council, distinguish between Brexit items and others, since once the UK has decided to leave, arguably all matters for discussion will have a link with the exodus. Good luck to the people in the secretariat who will have to sort out when the UK Prime Minister is allowed in or should stay out of the room – he might end up entering and leaving with the waiters who top up the tea. The same goes for the ministers and officials representing British interests in the various Council configurations. Would they speak with any authority on any issue, one might wonder? The voting on legislation in the Council would be of even more concern. Can the UK, after the referendum, participate in votes on European laws that will be implemented after the UK’s departure? Do the votes of the UK count to establish a qualified majority? Or even more absurd, would the UK be in a position to deliver the votes for a blocking minority against measures that would obtain the majority support within the 27 remaining EU members? It is hard to believe that the EU ministers would accept such a situation during the transition period until the UK is formally and legally out. But there are no provisions available to guide us on how the legislative process has to be conducted in such circumstances. And we haven’t even considered the most delicate situation: on foreign affairs issues, can the EU take decisions requiring unanimity with the UK dissenting while it is on its way out – for example on maintaining or lifting sanctions? Theoretically, the country that doesn’t wish to belong to the EU any longer, could use its veto right to prevent the 27 others to move ahead with key strategic decisions. Odd?